The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was considered one of the most influential incumbents of that position in American history. Whereas countless vice-presidents were limited to peripheral or ceremonial functions, Cheney held enormous power during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was frequently called as the "real president".
Bush objected to that description and said the relationship was more nuanced. He noted that Cheney was respectful, always referring to him in official appearances as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush challenged even characterisations of their partnership as a partnership because it implied that they were on equal footing. Despite these denials, Cheney found the laidback president pliable on a wide array of governmental choices.
The Post-9/11 Era
At the head of a faction of neo-cons that featured Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a elementary school in Florida. Whereas Bush traveled to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, ordering the destruction of any non-communicating planes heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney said the assaults altered his perspective, leading him to become determined on retribution. Together with other conservative figures, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Decisions
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the harsh treatment of detainees apprehended after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was based on inaccurate intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the proper path to take. "It was the correct action to do at that time. I believed it then and I hold that view today."
However even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I saw, at a minimum," he wrote later "obvious failure, inaction, and unaccountability: at worst, lying, incompetence, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely accountable for the Iraq invasion. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had written a memorandum detailing situations in which US concerns might be endangered (including "obtaining essential resources, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the United States should be positioned to act independently when cooperative measures cannot be arranged," particularly referencing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had assumed the Oval Office generally inclined on executing what his parent had famously refused to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the White House, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of reducing America's involvement in the Middle East dispute and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush bore a private grievance against Saddam, thinking he had been behind a scheme to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally disliked that one of the biggest accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a image of his predecessor's face that everyone had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most vehement supporting striking Iraq, repeatedly quoting agency briefings that were whether thin or totally inaccurate. He endorsed what the Bush administration politely called as "advanced techniques", the use of interrogation method and physical pressure.
Responding to a Senate report in 2014 that determined that no valuable data had come from the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the findings as "full of crap". He informed Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to take steps and create procedures to catch the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That's exactly what they did and they merit a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed monikers assigned to him by opponents such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a dark force controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Do I represent the malevolent mastermind in the background that operates invisibly emerge from his domain? It's a nice way to operate, truthfully."
Business Interests
Debate over his corporate affiliations accompanied him through his period as VP. Even though he had little experience in business but good contacts in security, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas corporations, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's running mate for the White House. Debatably, during the military campaign, Halliburton was given US deals worth multiple billions.
It made him rich. His yearly compensation during his time at the company grew from his $258,394 during his time as Pentagon chief to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a severance arrangement worth more than $20m|twenty
